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IPE/BC is an independent, non-partisan organization, however we recognize that IPE/BC Fellows and guest authors hold a range of views and interests relative to public schools, education issues, and the political landscape in BC. Perspectives is an opportunity for Fellows and others to share their ideas in short, accessible essays.

The Role of School Police Liaison Officers: Do We Really Need Them?

Sharon O’Dornan

December 11, 2024

Education Minister Lisa Beare has threatened to fire the elected school board of Greater Victoria (SD 61) if they do not provide a revised “safety plan.” It appears that the safety plan must include the reintroduction of the School Police Liaison Officers (SPLO) program.

In schools, staff work diligently to ensure that programs are effective. Measurable goals are created, data is gathered, and results are reviewed regularly. Reports regarding student progress are generated at prescribed intervals. These reports are shared with parents and relevant school staff, covering everything from classroom achievements to individualized programs such as speech-language therapy. The information is securely, confidentially stored for future reference as needed. The rationale behind this process is clear: if we do not measure our efforts, we cannot determine whether our interventions are truly making a difference.

However, school board chair Nicole Duncan stated (in an interview with Gregor Craigie on On The Island CBC radio, December 10, 2024) that she has received no response to her requests for data and reports regarding the Greater Victoria Police Department’s previous involvement in the SPLO program. Police Chief Del Manak has provided occasional anecdotes about the program, but that is far from the comprehensive data needed to assess its overall effectiveness.

Schools operate with a great deal of transparency. Classroom teachers provide daily plans that are utilized by themselves or a teacher-on-call. Support staff, such as English Language Learning teachers and contracted specialists like occupational therapists, follow universal referral systems, administer standardized assessments, document observations and provide reports . Caseload information is readily available to school administrators, and priorities are confidentially discussed during school-based team meetings.

Before I retired from my role as an itinerant speech-language pathologist in SD 61, I found it difficult to understand the role of the SPLO. The transparency regarding their schedules and duties was lacking. If I wasn’t clear about why a police officer was standing in the office or walking in the halls, I can only imagine how unclear the students might have been. This lack of clarity raises important questions about whether the program could be contributing to profiling. It feels strange to have a police presence in a public institution without a specific, stated requirement for their involvement. Why, as a society, do we believe that groups of children require a police presence to be safe, especially when there is no concrete data to demonstrate that this approach actually ensures their safety?

As schools work hard to maintain a safe and supportive environment for students, the question remains: Does the presence of School Police Liaison Officers truly contribute to the safety of our schools, or is it simply an unproven assumption? Without clear data and transparent reporting on the program’s effectiveness, it’s difficult to justify its widespread adoption. Perhaps it’s time for a deeper, more data-driven conversation about how best to ensure the safety and well-being of students without relying on programs that lack measurable evidence of success. It’s crucial that we continue to explore alternative solutions that prioritize student welfare while addressing the complexities of modern school safety.

Sharon O’Dornan retired from the Greater Victoria school district (SD61) in 2020, after a 34-year career as a speech language pathologist. During that time, she worked in the Vancouver, North Vancouver and Victoria school districts. 

For further reading on this important and topical issue, see:

What is the alternative to police in schools?

Policing in Schools Project 

“Relationship Building” and the Normalization of Police in Schools

Victoria School Board says lack of communication upended safety plan 

Not everyone is welcoming police officers back to schools

Five reasons why school policy officers may not be the most effective way to prevent violence 

Vancouver votes to reinstate the SLO program 

IPE/BC is an independent, non-partisan organization, however we recognize that IPE/BC Fellows and guest authors hold a range of views and interests relative to public schools, education issues, and the political landscape in BC. Perspectives is an opportunity for Fellows and others to share their ideas in short, accessible essays.

The Impact of the New Rights on the Privatization of Education 

Andrée Gacoin

November 25, 2024

The conservative discourses of the new Rights, and their impact on education, was top of mind in October 2024 as BC went to the polls to elect a new provincial government. In Canada, education is the mandate of provincial governments and, while education is not always an election issue, this particular race was dominated by harmful and hateful rhetoric that sought to control and further privatize education. This included:

-Censoring of classroom materials. In media interviews, as well as the party platform, the Conservative Party of BC critiqued educational materials for being politically biased and promoting (progressive) ideologies.[i] The popularity of this view can be seen in the increase of “book challenges” across Canada. These challenges are when individuals or group seek to remove books from school libraries or restrict them to certain audiences. Books that are inclusive of diverse gender identities and sexual orientations, as well as books by Indigenous, Black and authors who identify as People of Colour have all been challenged.[ii]

-Attacking social justice and rights-based approaches as “indoctrination” and seeking to control teachers’ professional autonomy. The Conservative Party’s agenda built on moral panics that have mobilized parent groups across the province, panics seen in previous elections for school trustees as well.[iii] For example, groups have gathered outside schools, and targeted individual teachers, to protest the inclusion of sexual orientation and gender identity in the curriculum.[iv] Complaints have been made to the Teacher Regulation Branch, a body that governs the professional conduct of teachers, related to teacher’s curricular decisions related to social justice issues.

-Being explicitly anti-union. The Conservative platform focused on terms such as “open procurement” and “qualified” workers and critiqued government for being overly influenced by unions. This is part of a broader fiscal conservatism that promotes reduced government spending, free markets, free trade, and privatization.

–Increased funding for private schools. In BC, many private schools (called “Independent Schools”) receive government funding at either 50% or 35% of their local public school district rate. The Conversative Party of BC argues that private options are necessary because of parent’s concerns about the “ideologies” being taught in public schools.

While the Conservative Party of BC did not ultimately win (barely),[v] they have formed the official opposition and there was overwhelming support for the Conservatives in many parts of the province. Their ideas for education are reflected in the ongoing advocacy of right-wing Think Tanks, such as the Fraser Institute, that champion education reforms “to achieve better value for money and improved results for both students and taxpayers.”[vi] Proposed measures include returning to a “back-to-the-basics” curriculum, increasing student testing for accountability, and establishing charter schools in the province.

The political landscape in BC reflects the rise of conservative politics across Canada. In the province of Ontario, for instance, there is a populist provincial leader who has consistently underfunded public education for six years, leading to larger class sizes, decaying buildings, and fewer supports and services for students.[vii] In Quebec, the rise of conservatism can be seen in politicians who openly and proudly push an anti-union agenda and attempt to convince the public that unions are to blame for the failing of public services. This is coupled with xenophobic rhetoric that blames immigrant populations for problems within the province.[viii] Nationally, the leader of the Conservative Party is seeking to be the next Prime Minister of Canada. He is a self-described “champion of a free market,” believes in “limiting government” and posits that schools should “stick to teaching math, reading and writing.”[ix]  Public opinion polls indicate that he would win if the Canadian election was held today.[x]

As illustrated in the case of the BC election, these conservative political parties are linked to the rise of the “parental rights” movement in Canada – a movement that embodies the many links between far-right ideologies and interest in education privatization. In BC, for example, the attacks have been focused on a program called SOGI 123, which supports teachers to make schools safer and more inclusive for students of all sexual orientations and gender identities. Contrary to the arguments of the new Rights, research illustrates the positive impact of this program. A recent evaluation of SOGI 123, done by researchers at the University of British Columbia, found that the program decreased bullying and sexual orientation discrimination for both LGBT+ and also for heterosexual students.[xi] However, conservative groups, taking up the language of “choice” in education, continue to attack the program (and those who teach it) as “indoctrinating” kids and promoting “radical ideologies.”

Across Canada, this “moral panic” becomes a weapon against public education in two key ways. Firstly, it is used as a political rallying call to “take-back” public education, such as by electing morally conservative trustees on public school boards. Secondly, it legitimizes parent “choice” to opt-out of public education and mobilizes this “choice” to increase the privatization of public services.

[i] See for example: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/bc-conservatives-election-eductation-policy-1.7351918 and https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/sogi-123-sexual-education-b-c-election-2024-1.7333988

[ii] https://www.teachermag.ca/post/book-challenges-protecting-diversity-in-our-llcs

[iii] See for example: https://www.comoxvalleyrecord.com/community/courtenay-school-board-trustee-candidate-distributing-anti-sogi-material-1636411

[iv] See for example news coverage, and teachers’ responses, at: https://pressprogress.ca/surrey-teachers-speak-out-against-misinformation-around-2slgbtq-education-in-bc-schools/

[v] 47 seats in the BC Legislative Assembly are needed to form a majority government. The center-left National Democratic Party (NDP) won those 47 seats, just securing the majority. The Conservative Party of BC won 44 seats and the BC Green Party won 2 seats.

[vi] https://www.fraserinstitute.org/studies/k-12-education-reform-in-british-columbia

[vii] See a statement from the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF) here:  https://www.osstf.on.ca/en-CA/news/new-coalition-announces-coordinated-response-to-ford-government.aspx

[viii] See for example: https://cultmtl.com/2024/11/quebec-mna-haroun-bouazzi-accuses-colleagues-of-recurring-xenophobia-polarizing-lie-or-uncomfortable-truth/

[ix] https://www.conservative.ca/pierre-poilievre/

[x] https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/no-trump-bump-liberals-us-election

[xi] See: https://www.saravyc.ubc.ca/2024/10/09/report-evaluation-of-sogi-123-in-bc/

Dr. Andrée Gacoin is the Director of the Information, Research and International Solidarity Division at the BC Teachers’ Federation and an IPE/BC Fellow. Her research focuses on developing a unique, in-depth and contextualized exploration of education in BC from the perspective of teachers. Andrée is particularly interested in using research as advocacy to uphold and strengthen an inclusive public education system.

IPE/BC is an independent, non-partisan organization, however we recognize that IPE/BC Fellows and guest authors hold a range of views and interests relative to public schools, education issues, and the political landscape in BC. Perspectives is an opportunity for Fellows and others to share their ideas in short, accessible essays.

A Big No to Big O

By Patti Bacchus

October 1, 2024

Pity the poor tire-store marketing account manager, if there is such a gig. The client has a measly $20,000 to spend on a campaign, which doesn’t go far if you’re buying advertising space in a fractured and crowded media environment.

Here’s an idea: Let’s use unpaid labour in the form of captive public-school kids and their overworked, underpaid teachers, and heck, we can even make them compete for the privilege!

We won’t even have pay to promote it, we’ll get the taxpayer-funded school board’s communications staff to promote it for us!

It’s like that time Chevron tried to promote gas sales through “Fuel Your Schools,” where teachers were supposed to compete for grants to fund classroom projects, with the program being promoted at the pumps, urging parents to fuel up to fund their kids’ classrooms. Yuck.

Those were the thoughts that crossed my mind today when I scrolled by a post from the Vancouver School Board (VSB), promoting “The ‘Big Idea’ with Big O Tires,” a grant program that requires students and their teachers to compete for a $20,000 grant “implement a new, creative initiative that will help service a need in their community.”

Sounds fairly harmless, doesn’t it? I don’t know. If you go to the Big O website, the finer print gets to what this is really about: marketing. It says: “Big O Tires reserves the right to publish through its marketing channels, including but not limited to social media, in whole or in part any submissions received, including any accompanying materials and/or the names of the faculty member and/or school from which the initiative was submitted.”

It would cost the tire company a heck of a lot more than $20,000 to do some good in the community, without the free labour from students and teachers, so you can see why they came up with this scheme.

As a former Vancouver school trustee and its longest serving chairperson, I’m opposed to private businesses using schools to polish their public images. If they want to support schools, they can make a donation to the school district without requiring students and teachers to be part of their marketing programs.

With all the emphasis on critical thinking in our public school curriculum, you’d think the folks making the decisions at the VSB would pause to subject this marketing pitch to the rigours of critical thought. Apparently they did not. It should have been a big no to Big O.

Patti Bacchus is a public education advocate, commentator, and IPE/BC Board member, who was also the Vancouver School Board’s longest-serving chair, from 2008-2014. She has also served on the Board of the Broadbent Institute. Patti has written extensively about public education issues in the Georgia Straight. She believes that a strong and well-resourced public education system is key to a healthy and just society.

IPE/BC is an independent, non-partisan organization, however we recognize that IPE/BC Fellows and guest authors hold a range of views and interests relative to public schools, education issues, and the political landscape in BC. Perspectives is an opportunity for Fellows and others to share their ideas in short, accessible essays.

Let’s Make Education an Election Issue!

By Patti Bacchus

September 24, 2024

Here we go again. My inbox is filling up with urgent pleas from B.C.’s political parties (well, mainly one of them in my case), wanting my money, my time, and space on my lawn for a sign.

As we head to the polls in just a few weeks, we’re hearing a lot of inflammatory rhetoric as the campaign kicks off, but not much about education. This needs to change.

Public education is the cornerstone of democracy and the solution to many of the most challenging problems we face, including those issues party leaders are discussing in the news media: crime, homelessness, addictions, mental health, and inequality. These are all downstream effects of children not getting their needs appropriately met in their early years.

Whether you have kids in school or not, education should be a priority as you head to the polls and consider donating to a campaign.

Don’t get me wrong: We have an excellent public education system, but it’s chronically underfunded. Those working on its front lines have been warning us for years that they can’t achieve the best outcomes in overcrowded classrooms without adequate support and staffing in poorly maintained buildings.

We have an urgent teacher shortage that is stressing the system, shortchanging students, and causing those working within it to consider leaving, risking the problem getting worse.

Many of our schools are aging, inadequate, and seismically unsafe. In some communities, families have to enter lotteries to get their kids into neighbourhood schools because governments have failed to adequately fund school construction and seismic upgrades.

We’re seeing record levels of public funds being diverted to private schools—over $570 million in direct annual provincial funding grants alone, along with various tax exemptions and deductions. This diverts money from the public treasury that could otherwise fund public schools.

According to Statistics Canada, B.C. now spends less of its Gross Provincial Product (GPP) on K-12 education than every other province except Newfoundland and Labrador, causing public school boards to cut programs and staffing and struggle to meet the needs of diverse student populations.

The provincial election is an opportunity to push parties and candidates on what they’ll do for our public education system and hold them accountable for what they haven’t done.

There’s still a backlog of major school seismic-upgrade or replacement projects waiting for funding. Kids are still coerced into writing the FSAs (even though teachers say they have little value and actually cause some harm). B.C. still lags behind most other provinces in per-student funding.

B.C. teachers’ salaries are still lower than many of their Canadian counterparts. Surrey still has far too many portables, and Vancouver families in many parts of the city have to enter lotteries to get their kids into neighbourhood schools—if, unlike those who live in the Olympic Village, their community actually has a school. And as we’ve seen repeatedly, when seismic upgrades or replacements finally get funded, the money is not adequate, and the schools end up too small.

Support for students with special needs is uneven and too often, inadequate, and kids still get sent home and miss school due to a lack of support.

Parents still fundraise for basics, and teachers still buy resources for their classrooms with their own money.

It’s time to let parties and candidates know what you want to see if they want your vote, donation, or volunteer time. If they want to put a sign in your window or on your lawn, demand to know what they’re committing to for public education.  I’ll be letting my candidates know that having among the lowest per-student funding in Canada doesn’t cut it. I want to know when they’re going to complete all outstanding school seismic upgrades.

The IPE/BC has prepared some questions for parties and candidates. Feel free to use them to ask your candidates questions to ensure they know that education is indeed an issue that matters to voters.

IPE Questions for Candidates:

1. Funding: B.C. has fallen behind the rest of Canada in how it funds its public schools. The only province that spends less of its GDP on education is Newfoundland and Labrador. B.C.’s relative contribution to public school budgets has fallen significantly from 2000 to the present, considering what the province can afford.

For the 2023/24 school financial year, B.C. reports spending grants of $6,754 million across the province’s 60 school districts. If B.C. were to spend at the “% of GPP” rate found in the year 2000, this budgetary allocation would increase by $3.8 billion to $10.552 billion.

What will you do to increase funding to B.C.’s public schools to ensure students receive the opportunities and supports their counterparts in other provinces are able to access?

2. Staffing: B.C. schools are struggling with an urgent shortage of qualified teachers and special education support workers. This is shortchanging students and putting increased stress on school employees, making it difficult to retain them.

What will you do to recruit and retain teachers and education support workers?

3. Facilities: The Ministry of Education is forecasting significant enrolment growth in B.C.’s public schools, yet many districts already have overcrowded schools and not enough space for all in-catchment students. Hundreds of B.C. schools are still at high risk of significant structural damage in the event of an earthquake.

How would you ensure B.C.’s students have access to safe, neighborhood schools, in a timely way?

4. Reconciliation: Historically and statistically, Indigenous students have had poorer outcomes in school due to Canada’s history of colonialism, discrimination, and, in particular, residential schools.

What will you do to ensure Indigenous students receive educational opportunities and supports to enable their success in B.C.’s public schools?

5. Inclusion and Safety: Ensuring that schools are inclusive and safe environments is crucial for the well-being and success of all students. Programs that support students’ understanding of sexual orientation, gender identify and anti-discrimination are essential in fostering a respectful and welcoming school culture.

How will you ensure schools are safe, inclusive, and welcoming for all students, and how will you support and protect programs that educate and support students regarding sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) and other anti-discriminatory programs and practices?

See you at the polling station!

Patti Bacchus is a public education advocate, commentator, and IPE/BC Board member, who was also the Vancouver School Board’s longest-serving chair, from 2008-2014. She has also served on the Board of the Broadbent Institute. Patti has written extensively about public education issues in the Georgia Straight. She believes that a strong and well-resourced public education system is key to a healthy and just society.